ANTHMETHGRP2-2425-CAN-JIA

[Last modified: December, 7 2024 02:48 PM]

When I began researching “The Untold Gynecological Diseases,” I focused on how women’s illness narratives reveal disempowerment within the medical and patriarchal systems. Initially, I planned to use qualitative methods, like ethnographic observations and in-depth interviews, to explore these narratives from patients and healthcare providers.

As my studies progressed, I encountered several methodological challenges and realizations. For example, being an Asian woman and a cultural outsider in my field, I faced difficulties gaining the trust of my interview subjects, which could potentially skew the authenticity and depth of the narratives collected. This realization pushed me to think about alternative methods, like employing cultural intermediaries or extending my fieldwork to build trust​.

Furthermore, my understanding of the role of illness narratives expanded. I learned they do more than reveal instances of disempowerment; they actively contest and disrupt the prevailing medical discourse. This insight led me to rethink how I approached these narratives—not merely as stories to be collected but as powerful tools for advocacy and change.

Most importantly, my methodological thinking shifted towards a more intersectional approach. Acknowledging my own marginal status helped me recognize the intricate layers of gender and racial inequalities affecting the medical experiences of non-Western women. This has sharpened my focus on not only documenting narratives but also understanding how these women navigate and are shaped by their cultural, social, and medical contexts​.

In conclusion, this module has not only refined my research methods but also deepened my appreciation of the complex dynamics at play in the narratives I seek to understand and amplify. This has fundamentally changed how I view and approach my research, making it a more inclusive and critically engaged project.

[Last modified: November, 29 2024 06:07 PM]

The chosen case is 5. Young women’s perceptions of breasts and breastfeeding

As a member of the Anthropology Ethics Committee, I think this study presents moderate risks that require careful management. The main risks to participants include psychological discomfort when discussing sensitive bodily topics and potential stigma from peers. For the researcher, there are professional risks when discussing intimate topics with minors. To mitigate these risks, the researcher must obtain parental consent for all participants under 18, provide clear opt-out options, and have a qualified counselor available during research sessions. All group discussions should take place in appropriate school or community settings with proper supervision.

Data collection will include questionnaire responses, interviews, and group discussions. To protect participant privacy, all data must be anonymized using pseudonyms, and personal information must be stored securely. Electronic files should be password-protected, and physical documents kept in locked storage. Audio recordings should be deleted after transcription to ensure confidentiality.

The research offers important benefits to the community. The findings can improve public health approaches to breastfeeding education and help develop better body-positive resources for young women. Healthcare providers can use this information to better understand and communicate with young women about these topics.

Power dynamics require careful consideration, particularly the age difference between researcher and teenage participants and potential institutional pressure within school settings. To address these concerns, recruitment should be conducted through neutral third parties, and participation must be entirely voluntary. Interviews should take place in locations that are both private and visible to others, and clear ground rules should be established for group discussions to prevent peer pressure.

In conclusion, while this research involves sensitive topics, it can be conducted ethically with proper safeguards. The benefits to public health education justify the carefully managed risks. However, the researcher must maintain strict adherence to ethical guidelines and prioritize participant protection throughout the study. Regular consultation with the Ethics Committee would help ensure continued ethical compliance.

[Last modified: November, 27 2024 09:13 PM]

My chosen observation site is Lloyds Bank, which is opposite the teaching building of UCL at 188 Tottenham Court Road. The deep yellow wooden flooring and the cold white ceiling lights complement each other, creating a warm indoor environment that acts as a unique microclimate, serving as a boundary between the street and institutional spaces. This atmosphere is particularly evident in how the space manages heat disturbances caused by the frequent operation of automatic doors during busy periods. Despite occasional cold air intrusions, the warm environment symbolizes the bank’s commitment to security and comfort.

The bank uses its signature green walls and grey partitions to define different activity areas, cleverly guiding customer behavior. The circular furniture in the consultation area—round tables and curved armchairs—presents an interesting contrast to the bank’s traditional sharp-edged architecture. This design choice reflects the contemporary banking industry’s effort to soften its institutional image, although the dark tones (deep grey carpets, brown chairs) maintain a professional seriousness.

The most noticeable aspect of social interaction in this space is the role of the initial service representatives. Their rapid interactions with customers often involve interrupting them and categorizing their needs based on keywords (“transfer”, “cash”, “stamp”). The customers’ acceptance of these brief interactions indicates their inherent understanding that institutional efficiency takes precedence over traditional conversational etiquette.

The soundscape creates a complex hierarchy of institutional sounds: low conversations, the continuous hum of printers, intermittent telephone rings, and intrusive street music form what Murray Schafer would call the unique “soundmark” of contemporary banking. Despite the objectively noisy environment, the scarcity of human voices reinforces the expected behavioral norms in bank spaces. The prominent presence and ongoing operation of printers highlight an interesting contradiction in modern banking: while the industry is moving towards digitalization, physical documents remain central to banking operations.

The bank utilizes multimodal elements to maintain institutional authority while adapting to evolving customer service expectations. This space embodies what Louise Crewe describes as “anxious architecture”—environments that must simultaneously convey security, efficiency, and approachability. Despite occasional signs of impatience (sighing, loud chewing of gum), customers generally adhere to the brief service model. This suggests that even when service efficiency is compromised, the bank’s multimodal construction of authority successfully maintains social control.

[Last modified: November, 15 2024 05:33 PM]

I remember doing a field observation in the IOE study area around the fourth week. In the environment of the IOE study area, the sounds, lighting, and scents not only shaped the physical space but also profoundly affected the bodily sensations and psychological states of those present.

The sound of keyboard typing and the distant conversations in the discussion area acted as white noise, serving as a form of social background noise. This often overlooked sound environment is actually a part of the “technique of the body”, which refers to the ways bodies are used that people learn within specific social and cultural contexts. The body is not passively present in space but learns and adapts through interaction with the surrounding environment. Therefore, our auditory system is not just an organ for receiving sound waves but also a tool for cultural perception. It allows people to adjust their behaviour based on the presence of background noise. For example, when the background noise reaches a certain level, people might unconsciously increase their attention to offset potential distractions.

The dim, yellow lighting and the sweet scent of toffee in the air create a warm, soothing, and slightly sweet atmosphere: the soft lighting reduces visual fatigue, while the sweet scent uplifts the mood. Together, these elements effectively promote relaxation and concentration. In this carefully designed sensory environment, people’s behaviour patterns also show a clear tendency. Compared to more stimulating or formal learning environments, users here are more likely to immerse themselves in their studies or thoughts, with social interactions tending to be subdued and restrained. This is not only due to the comfort of the environment itself but also because the environment conveys a non-verbal norm through sensory means, suggesting that every move here should be gentle and slow.

The interaction between the body and the environment also manifests through  the passage of time, as I have observed. As the day progresses, changes in the flow of people and the intensity of activities within the environment, in turn, affect individual behaviour and physical states. The patterns of people arriving and leaving in the afternoon reflect how individuals adjust their behaviour based on the social dynamics of the environment. When the environment becomes noisier or more crowded, individuals may choose to leave, a direct physical response to environmental changes, and a self-regulation strategy to maintain personal comfort and efficiency. This choice of behaviour reveals how people make decisions based on bodily sensations and how they adapt to or alter their surroundings by moving or changing locations.

[Last modified: November, 1 2024 08:43 PM]

In my pilot research project, I plan to explore how women’s illness narratives reveal their feelings of powerlessness within the medical system and patriarchal society. Obviously, this research approach includes a political stance that criticizes gender biases in current medical practices and social structures. By deeply analyzing women’s narratives about gynecological diseases, I aim to show that their absence in public discussions is not only a medical oversight but also a reflection of gender inequality. These illness narratives are often not seen as the core part of medical research but are marginalized or ignored, reflecting the patriarchal society’s control over women’s bodies and suppression of their voices. Kleinman’s theory of illness narratives provides a theoretical foundation for my research. He highlights that illness narratives not only help individuals express and deal with their disease experiences but also turn these personal experiences into visible social discourse, challenging the imbalances of power in traditional medical models. By bringing these often-ignored narratives into academic and public view, my research also seeks to give these women a voice and power.

As an Asian woman, my marginal status in Western society may give me a more sensitive insight into gender and racial inequalities in the healthcare system. My research focuses not only on gender discrimination but also on how racial and cultural differences affect medical experiences. For example, a major challenge faced by non-Western women is that their medical needs and expressions of illness are often ignored or misunderstood, usually due to healthcare decision-makers and providers’ ignorance or misunderstanding of cultural differences. Women from certain cultural backgrounds may express pain or symptoms in a more subdued way, which might be misinterpreted by medical staff unfamiliar with these expressions as the condition being mild or not serious. My position makes me pay more attention to those voices that are marginalized in mainstream medical narratives, especially those groups ignored due to both racial and gender marginalization.

At the beginning of planning this project, I thought about the political risks and challenges that might affect my research methods and results. For example, social stigma and misunderstandings about women’s diseases might lead to misinterpretation of my findings or be used to reinforce existing gender biases. Therefore, I plan to use qualitative research methods such as in-depth interviews and participant observation. These methods can deeply explore participants’ personal experiences and feelings, helping me understand and reveal gender and cultural biases in medical processes. Especially as a researcher, I must critically examine the potential political meanings and social impacts of my results. When collecting data, I need to try to include women from different cultural, racial, and socio-economic backgrounds to show the diversity of illness narratives among different groups. Moreover, I realize the need to adopt a reflective stance in my research, regularly examining my own biases and assumptions to ensure that my personal views do not affect the interpretation and presentation of the data.

[Last modified: October, 25 2024 02:15 PM]

I chose the study area on the first floor of the IOE building for today’s fieldwork location. Here, noise and tranquility paradoxically intertwined. Despite its role as a sanctuary for learning, the study area was far from quiet. Instead, a pervasive hum emanated from the distant chatter of a nearby discussion area, mingling with the more immediate tapping of keyboards. Since the discussion area was some distance away, these sounds were not irritating but somewhat resembled white noise. Coupled with the dim, yellowish lighting overhead and the neatly aligned tables, they evoked a drowsy sense of calm.

The air was permeated with a unique, sweet scent of toffee, which I believed originated from the coffee corner downstairs, enriching the sensory experience of the study area. From my observations, women constituted the majority in the study area. About two-thirds of the people were focused intently on their studies. The rest were either playing on their phones or engaged in computer games, with only a few individuals daydreaming.

As the time neared 12:00(around 11:52), five people packed up their things and left. After 12:00, the surrounding environment became noisier, with the volume of conversation in the nearby discussion area increasing, mixed with laughter. Those who remained in the study area also began to whisper among themselves. Three people (two men and a woman) started talking loudly at first, as they seemed to know each other and were inquiring about the time of the next class. By around 12:10, a scent of food wafted through the study area, making me feel even hungrier.

Although I previously tended to document my field experiences through photography and video, this time taking live notes allowed me to capture fleeting moments and subtle details. Recording various sensory inputs and behaviors of social interactions helped to solidify my memory of the experience, providing a textual anchor for revisiting and analyzing it later.

The theme of Space is particularly interesting here: the physical layout contributes to varying sound levels (white noise from discussions) and impacts how the area is used at different times (study vs. social interaction post-12:00). Therefore, space is not merely a passive environment but an active participant in creating social dynamics and atmosphere. This has helped me deepen my understanding of how space shapes the people who inhabit it and how they are in turn shaped by the space.

[Last modified: October, 18 2024 02:31 PM]

My research focuses on how the illness narratives of women’s gynecological diseases reveal the disempowerment of women within medical system and patriarchal society. As an Asian woman, I am an “outsider” culturally. This might make it hard for me to gain the trust of the targeted group, leading them to be unwilling to join my interviews. Even if I manage to enter the field, the unavoidable cultural and geographical differences might make the participants reserved about sharing their feelings and experiences. Although I do not yet have an effective solution to this issue, I think that building trust through long-term fieldwork or using cultural intermediaries to bridge these differences might work.

Also as an Asian woman, my marginal status in Western society may give me a more sensitive insight into inequalities in the medical system, both in terms of gender and race. For instance, one major challenge faced by non-Western women is that their medical needs and expressions of illness are often ignored or misunderstood. This often results from medical decision-makers and providers’ ignorance or misunderstanding of cultural differences. Women from certain cultural backgrounds may express pain or symptoms of illness in a more subdued manner, which could be misinterpreted by medical professionals unfamiliar with this style of expression as mild or not serious.

One thing I want to mention is that in “Writing Against Culture”, the author criticizes the concept of “culture” in traditional anthropology. She argues that this concept reinforces the boundaries between researchers and their subjects and can lead to an oversimplified and fixed view of the complexity and dynamic changes within “cultures”. From this perspective, when I discuss how women are represented and understood in the medical system and patriarchal society, I must be careful not to reduce women patients’ experiences to the products of a single cultural or social structure. Instead, I need to uncover and represent the multiple identities and experiences women have within the medical system, not just their roles as patients. This means that my research should focus not only on how women are physically affected by diseases but also consider how they construct their identities actively and passively within cultural and social structures. For example, a woman might be a patient, a mother, a professional and a member of a specific cultural group, with her health experiences resulting from the interaction of these identities.

[Last modified: October, 12 2024 05:40 PM]

During my visit to University College Hospital near UCL, I could clearly feel the differences between Western and Chinese medical systems. Inside the hospital, there’s a coffee corner where visitors and patients can enjoy coffee or snacks. This relaxed atmosphere is different from hospitals in China. In Chinese hospitals, due to the large number of patients, the halls are always crowded. Patients and their families anxiously wait for medical attention, creating a tense and busy environment. These differences are not only reflected in the layout of the physical space, but also in different cultural approaches to healthcare.

Unlike Chinese hospitals, which have a clear registration process, this UK hospital does not have a prominent registration area. In China, after arriving at the hospital, patients go to the front desk to register according to their condition, choosing between general or specialist consultations. There are also self-service machines at the entrance where patients can register and navigate using a touchscreen or check in with pre-booked appointments made online. Meanwhile, the department categorization in UK hospitals isn’t obvious in the physical layout; there are fewer signs inside, mainly relying on a few markers pointing to major departments like hematology, oncology and various inpatient wards. I suspect this layout might be due to the way UK hospitals operate, with staff directly guiding patients to where they need to go, rather than patients finding their way on their own.

Because I couldn’t find the different departments, I couldn’t locate the “gynaecology clinic” related to my research topic. This prevented me from focusing on my target group, which was unfortunate. It has made me think about my research methods and the target group. I’m considering whether to change my field site to focus more on clinics where patients go before, they visit the hospital. This comes from my unfamiliarity with the British healthcare system. I guess that patients first get a preliminary diagnosis from their family doctor, who then refers them to specialized clinics as needed, and arranges for hospital visits when necessary. The complexity and hierarchical structure of this process can be hard to navigate for those unfamiliar with the system. Therefore, I need to learn more about the British healthcare system in the future to ensure I can effectively reach and observe the target groups that meet my research needs.

[Last modified: October, 6 2024 04:06 PM]

Topic: The Untold Gynecological Diseases: Reflecting on Women’s Disempowerment through Illness Narratives

Research question: How do illness narratives about women’s gynecological illnesses help us recognize the disempowerment of women within the medical system and patriarchal society?

 

Methods:

The methodology will mainly employ qualitative research approaches. I am going to use ethnographic methods combined with in-depth interviews to explore and understand the experiences of patients with gynecological illnesses and the perspectives of healthcare providers. It is also important to record spontaneous conversations between healthcare providers and patients in informal situations, such as casual chats outside consultation rooms.

The purpose of the in-depth interviews is to further investigate the perspectives of patients, healthcare workers and family members on the disease, the treatment process and the entire healthcare system. The interview subjects may involve three groups: patients, healthcare workers (such as gynecologists, nurses, pharmacists) and the patients’ relatives. Interviews with patients will focus on their experiences with the disease, their treatment journey and their interactions with the healthcare system. Interviews with healthcare workers will provide an insider’s view on treatment decisions, diagnostic challenges and patient communication strategies.

 

Potential findings

Firstly, gynecological diseases often can’t receive enough attention and discussion within patriarchal societies. The absence of illness narratives reflects the disempowerment of women within the medical system and demonstrates how these diseases are overlooked by societal and medical discourses. Secondly, illness narratives, as a tool for empowerment, can help women better understand and manage gynecological diseases. However, the lack of these narratives leads to further marginalization and disregard of women in social and medical contexts. Furthermore, gender biases are deeply entrenched in medical practice, affecting the diagnosis and treatment decisions for women’s diseases, which often result in unfair treatment and misunderstandings when women express their disease experiences and needs. Societal judgments about women’s bodies and the expectations tied to gender roles exacerbate the psychological burden and treatment obstacles faced by patients with gynecological diseases.

 

Bibliograph:

Kleinman, A. (1988). The illness narratives: Suffering, healing, and the human condition. New York: Basic Books

Matías-González, Y. et al. (2021) ‘“Es que tú eres una changa”: stigma experiences among Latina women living with endometriosis’, Journal of Psychosomatic Obstetrics & Gynecology, 42(1), pp. 67-74. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/0167482X.2020.1822807.

[Last modified: October, 1 2024 05:57 PM]

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