Author: MUHAMMAD SA'ID SULDAAN

[Last modified: December, 1 2024 10:55 PM]

Ethical Advice on Indigenous Identities and Disempowerment.

From ethical and anthropological perspective, addressing the disempowerment of indigenous migrants to São Paulo’s favelas demands a thought-out commitment to ethical engagement and cultural sensitivity. The earlier lecture regarding the ethical considerations had put an emphasis on the importance of understanding communities from their cultural perspectives, whereby not only fostering respect for their lived experiences, but also advocating for systemic changes that honour their cherished identities and future aspirations.

First as a researcher, I would’ve prioritised the principle of “DO NO HARM.” This approach includes making sure that the methods of sensitive data collection such as life histories and communal interviews are conducted in a manner that does not exploit or re-traumatise participants. I would’ve sought a clear and informed consent to prevent suspicion and create trust that allows participants to have control over how their stories are used. By taking these reassuring measures, indigenous voices can retain their agency and authenticity without any distortion or misrepresentation.

Second, the indigenous research should actively contribute to the well-being of the said community in every positive aspect. Beyond researching, the challenges faced by indigenous migrants in Brazilian Favelas, researchers have an ethical responsibility to advocate for equitable justice for them. This responsibility might include supporting indigenous organisations in their struggle for territorial rights and amplifying their quest for better housing particularly considering the recent government’s anti-human rights stance which I found out when researching for this piece of work. Collaborating with human rights advocates and indigenous community leaders will most certainly improve their well-being in general.

Anthropological researchers should also underscore the significance of cultural relativism and the need to understand and respect indigenous viewpoints, including their conceptions of home, identity, and cultural belonging. In urban contexts, this means recognising how migration gives new orientation but does not erase these deep-rooted cultural frameworks. Researchers should avoid framing urban indigenous communities solely as victims, instead underlining their resilience and strategies of adaptation.

Ultimately, ethical engagement involves not just studying these communities but advocating for structural changes that address their marginalisation. We anthropology researchers must act as allies, using our platforms to challenge systemic injustices faced by indigenous communities and promote policies that empower indigenous migrants to thrive while maintaining their cultural identities. Adapting this holistic approach does not necessarily dilute or compromise the outcome of the intended research but rather it creates trust and solidifies identity.

[Last modified: November, 23 2024 02:38 PM]

Yesterday I visited an Optical Centre located in Tottenham Court Road as part of my multimodal experience. The observational experience provided me with a rich, multimodal feel that resonated with anthropological methods taught at the lecture. I started by observing and interpreting human interactions as customers came into the centre. The environment combined visual representation of what the centre was catering for, auditory feeling as different members of the community interacted with the professionals, I sensed modes of different communicative interactions offering insights into how knowledge is conveyed and received in such spatial settings.

Visually, the Optical Centre was filled with stimuli: my eyes were immediately caught by sleek displays of different eyeglass frames, magnified diagrams of the human eyes, and digital screens displaying promotional stuff. As observer, I thought those visuals not only conveyed information but also heavily influenced the customer experience by creating an atmosphere of professionalism and engagement. I witnessed how the arrangement of objects and use of space directed attention, a technique of multimodal design that anthropologists often use to understand social behaviour within specific settings.

There are also the auditory elements which added another feel to the experience. The optometrist started talking to a lady nearby during my observation. He talked to her with a calm and measured tone which also showed his expertise in communication and reassurance experience. I could hear background sounds, such as the movement of may be diagnostic machines and staff members having conversations which all underlined the functional and human-oriented nature of the location. All of these auditory experiences worked in tandem with visual mode, forming a deeply cohesive environment.

Tactual sensation was especially significant during the eye test. Interacting with the machine, the smooth glide of lenses into place which I myself experienced last week when I visited my local Specsavers, the slight touch of air during a pressuring which I did not enjoy embodied the multisensory engagement I noted at the optical centre which is anthropological multimodal. These sensory experiences provided both knowledge about my own vision and a deeper appreciation of how medical practices create trust through physical interaction.

Anthropologically, the Optical Centre showed how multimodal methods produce layered understandings of human activity. By combining sensory observation, interaction, and interpretation, the experience demonstrated to me how knowledge in such contexts is co-produced. This visit deepened my awareness of how multimodal practices, whether in healthcare or anthropology can enrich.

[Last modified: November, 17 2024 03:45 PM]

Walking in Open Spaces: An Ethnographic Perspective on Somali Herders and Londoners

In the vast, open landscapes of Somalia hinterland, nomadic herders move with complete freedom rarely seen in busy urban cosmopolitan like London where I currently live. For Somali pastoral communities, space is unrestricted, abundantly available and movement is fluid.

They move naturally with no defined rigid social codes to abide. When I first arrived in London, I was strake by how people walk. It was clear that people where fully aware of their immediate space and surroundings. The herders, often grazing their valued cattle, camels or goats criss-cross expansive savannahs, naturally wing their arms freely, unrestricted by thoughts of infringing on another’s space. Unlike the regimented pathways of London life, the rural landscape provides a boundless space for movement, allowing each step to stretch naturally.

In complete contrast, a Londoner must constantly monitor their space boundaries. A habit I too, adapted for conformity while studying at UCL. In the tightly packed city environment, walking is a socially conscious manner. This becomes even more clearer on escalators, where there’s an unspoken rule to stand on the right to allow others pass on the left, and in crowded trains or buses, commuters are constantly aware of the need to minimise disturbance. Every step is a regimental and ritualistic balancing act to avoid brushing against or blocking another. In London, space is checked. Residents move with near mechanical precision to keep everyone happy, a stark contrast to nomadic herders’ natural flow.

However, the Somali nomadic space experience is utterly different. Without the proximity of strangers, because the vastness of space they can walk with arms swaying naturally, bodies loose and unworried about boundaries. Their pace is dictated by the needs of the herd, the season, and the land, not by the presence of others.

My observational comparison shows a profound anthropological difference in how space is perceived and navigated. For the urban dweller, like the Londoner, movement is framed by the need to respect the personal spaces of strangers sharing the same path. In contrast, for Somali nomadic herders, space is a limitless, collective asset. Their movement is part of a landscape where human presence is sparse and individual expression unrestrained. This freedom permits them to walk without the self-consciousness that characterises cosmopolitan London. The nomadic herder moves not just criss-crossing the land, but as a part of it, embodying it.

[Last modified: November, 2 2024 10:37 AM]

In my pilot research project, I’m delving into the social dynamics of a marginalised urban East African migrant community based in Southall area in west London, and the political aspects are a big part of how I’ve structured my work. As someone who’s utterly determined to promotion of fairness and social justice, and my research reflects an essential mental attitude that questions embedded and systemic inequalities. This means I believe in fairness and the significance of listening to voices that are often overlooked. I intend to make sure that my research serves not only the East African migrant community but, also other communities who are sidelined in societal discussions sticking diligently to the core principles of participatory action research.

As an anthropology student, I also must think about my own position in this project as both East African as well as former refugee myself. Since I’m coming from inside the community I’m studying, I’m very aware of my positionality and the power dynamics involved. I recognise my own privileges and biases as a naturalised British citizen who wants to engage with participants as collaborators some of whom still waiting for their asylum application. With that in mind, I understand that my obtained citizenship can still create imbalance, as I might be seen as part and parcel of the state structure. To mitigate this issue, I make it a priority to be reflective and transparent in my approach, ensuring that my presence doesn’t overshadow the views of those I’m trying to study.

The outcome of my study could reach beyond the academic sphere and potentially affect local policy makers or concerned social services. By documenting the experiences and concerns of immigrant community members, hoping to equip them with the advocatory tools that might help them access resources. Having said that, I’m fully aware of the ethical challenges that come with this endeavour; if my findings are misinterpreted or misunderstood, they could reinforce stereotypes or lead to unintended negative consequence.

Therefore, to navigate through these compounded factors, I decided modifying my methods to be more accommodating and responsive to the needs and concerns of the participants. Inspired by collaborative ethnography, as discussed by Estalella and Criado (2018), I’m incorporating fieldwork techniques that promote shared ownership of the research. This approach is designed to level the playing field in the research process, creating a more inclusive environment that respects the community’s pronounced autonomy.

[Last modified: October, 26 2024 01:48 PM]

A local Somali café in a bustling Hayes neighbourhood.

Observed Time (15 Mts)

General aura: This cafeteria was bustling, filled with deeply enticing aroma of freshly brewed coffee and heated discussions about Middle East humanitarian crisis.

Sequence of Events:

Two men entered the cafeteria having high-spirited conversation about the Israel/Palestinian conflict. They looked around and found a corner table where they settled and order coffee with Malawax (Somali Sweet Pancake)
Another distinctively stocky man is sitting alone at nearby table checking on his laptop. Periodically, he glances around, as if he wants to join the Middle East discussion occurring on the other table. The cafeteria owner behind the counter politely and skilfully takes orders engaging with his customers. His affable demeanour displays a friendly welcoming environment. Although bit chaotic and loud with overlapping talks, the café smelled amazing looked deep-cleaned

Ethnographic Vignette:

In the centre of the café, where the grinding of beans harmonises with animated conversation, a vibrant variety of human interaction unfolds. The atmosphere is cosy with the aroma of coffee, convincing you to stay longer than planned. Families with kids kept coming buying hot drinks with varied pastries creating a moment of social interactions and communal interactivity that speaks volumes about Hayes rich cultural diversities.

In contrast, elderly married couple sit quietly by the window speaking in what sounded like North African Arabic dialect. Their presence is a reminder that every individual story is woven into the larger narrative of community diversity that Hayes and Harlington area of west London is known.

This visible interplay of social interactions between friends, strangers with different backgrounds and the familiar face of the cafeteria evokes a rich sense of cultural and synergic exchanges that multicultural UK is experiencing. Each note I took during my observatory note-taking assignment crystallised these moments, enhancing my memory of the scene and guiding my narrative concentration. The act of observing transformed into a deeper understanding of how people connect, interact, start discussion and revealed the intricate dance of social exchanges that define our shared spaces (the café in this case).

Through this immersive experience, I came to the realisation that taking notes is not merely a tool for recollection; but it serves as an imperative bridge to understanding the stories that lie beneath the surface of everyday life, making clear the anthropologically invisible threads that bind us together in our communal social fabric and community hood.

[Last modified: October, 20 2024 11:06 PM]

 

In my recent research with members of Somali immigrant community based in Hayes, I came to realise the importance of my positionality and how it might influences both the outcome of my research. . My background heritage as Somali-British person, my lived experiences in both Somalia and here in the UK might shape the lens through which I interpret data and engage with participants. Throughout the course, we have had discussions about the importance of reflexivity, discussions urging us to critically examine our own identities and the power dynamics at play in our ethnographic work.

In my case, positionality is my cultural background, which informs my perspectives and interactions with them. For instance, as someone who is dual citizen, I am acutely aware of the nuances that come with different social identities. This awareness has prompted me to consider how my experiences might colour the data collection process. If I were to conduct interviews, I would strive to create an environment where participants feel safe and valued, recognising that their voices are vital in shaping the narrative.

We’ve had also discussions in class about ethical considerations for transparency in ethnographic research. I’ve learnt through those class discussions, that my positionality should explicitly be addressed in my methodology section, providing context for my interpretations and acknowledging any potential biases. This could involve reflexive journaling during the research process, where I document my thoughts and feelings as I engage with the data and participants.

Furthermore, I would actively seek out different perspectives to counterbalance my own views. This could involve collaborating with co-researchers from different backgrounds or incorporating participatory research methods that empower participants to guide the direction of the research. In this manner, I aim to mitigate the potential bias of imposing my own narrative on the research outcome

In conclusion, acknowledging my positionality is not merely an academic exercise; it is an essential aspect of conducting ethical and meaningful research. By remaining mindful of the interplay between my identity and the research question, I can design a study that is not only reflective of diverse experiences but also contributes to a deeper understanding of the topic at hand. Moving forward, as I continue learning from lectures and seminars, I am committed to continuous reflection and adaptation in my future research practices, ensuring that they are inclusive and equitable in full consideration of my positionality and its impact on my research.

 

[Last modified: October, 12 2024 01:59 PM]

 

On Friday October 11th, 2024, I conducted an ethnographic observation of Amit, a fellow classmate, as he started planning his ethnographic assignment. First, Amity contemplated what kind of practical exercise he wanted to undertake before he finally decided to analyse the brick mosaic adorning the UCL wall. My main aim was not only on the mosaic itself but also on how Amit approached his observational study, showing insights into both his methodology and the environment around him.  

 I began my observation by positioning myself discreetly in an area parallel to the mosaic wall where Amit sat taking notes. Before I conducted anything, I sought Amit’s consent, ensuring ethical transparency and the potential for documenting his process through notetaking and taking photos. This transparency cultivated an environment of trust, allowing Amit to proceed with his observation without concern for being studied. 

 His initial steps involved assessing the corridor’s atmosphere, observing students sitting on benches, engaged in joyful conversation. Amit noted the social dynamics of student interactions and how this specific mosaic served as a backdrop for their discussion. Amit’s ethnographic observation approach was clear as he immediately scribbled notes about the students’ social interactions near the mosaic, their facial expressions which he considered relevant to understanding their perception of the mosaic.  

 Amit began to dissect mosaic’s various constituents, pondering upon not only the aesthetic qualities of the mosaic, but also the emotional resonance it held for students meticulously examining the wear and tear on the mosaic’s right angle. He interpreted the chipped bricks as metaphors for time and experienced exposure. He attentively observed how the colours and images within the mosaic may evoke a sense of nostalgia among students hence serving as a cultural artefact that reflects the institution’s past historical connections.  

 Throughout my observational study on him Amit, I noted how he struggled with the multifaceted complexities of his observations. He often paused, reflecting on the significance of what he saw, at times looking at two students discussing colonialism and its legacy. He continuously pondered over what it meant for students to navigate their academic journeys under the watchful gaze of magnificently artistic representation, thinking whether the mosaic offered them comfort or pressure. 

 In conclusion, my observation of Amit as he organised his ethnographic study revealed the layers of meaning embedded in both the writing process as well as the mosaic itself. This experience highlighted the significance of reflexivity in understanding the relationship between observer and subject. 

[Last modified: October, 6 2024 07:44 PM]

Research Proposal: Understanding Mental Health Treatment-Seeking Behaviours in Somali Immigrant Community in Hayes area, West London.  

Research Question: 

How do cultural beliefs and practices surround mental health influence the help-seeking behaviours of Somali immigrant community in Hayes area, West London?  

Introduction for the research: 

Mental health issues are prevalent across Somali immigrant community in the UK, yet seeking treatment can vary, particularly within the Somali community itself. Cultural beliefs surrounding mental health shape how individuals respond to this issue. This ethnographic research project aims to look at and anthropologically explore the cultural dimensions of mental health treatment-seeking Behaviours among Somalis in an urban setting, focusing on the intersections of deep-rooted stigmatisation emulating from their nomadic background, religious misconceptions, and cultural identity. 

Background 

In many East African immigrant communities including Somalis, often perceived mental health notion through cultural and religious lenses, thereby influencing individuals’ willingness to seek professional help. In the case of recent Somali immigrant, traditional healing practices may be preferred over formal mental health services, this can lead to a potential gap in healthcare.  

Methodology:  

This ethnographic study will use a qualitative approach, while incorporating semi-structured interviews and participant observation within a specific urban setting approach when conducting this specified research. The target population will include individuals of both recent and those who arrived in 1990s of Somali-British citizens aged between 25-60 from distinct parts of Somalia, who have experienced mental health challenges. The research also aims to collect data through interviews to explore participants’ views about mental health, if they experienced communal stigma, and their access to care. Participant observation at Hayes community centre will further enhance the data, providing epistemological context to the participants’ narratives. This community still grapples with the complexities of the civil war trauma, language barriers and inadequate housing.  

Anticipated Outcomes: 

This research is expected to highlight the various cultural factors influencing treatment-seeking behaviours among Somali immigrant population in West London, and particularly Hayes area. Any findings from this research are expected to reveal significant barriers such as stigma, lack of cultural understanding among healthcare providers, and reliance on outdated approaches. The study strives to identify culturally sensitive interventions that can facilitate better access to mental health care in the future.  

 Conclusion: 

By researching the cultural beliefs that influence mental health help-seeking tendencies in Somali immigrant community will pave the way for improved mental health care strategies, proactive community engagement and culturally competent health care providers. 

 

 

[Last modified: October, 1 2024 06:28 PM]

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