We are excited to present to you the second issue of PALS Press for the academic year of 2023-2024! This issue encompasses a diverse range of topics, including consumer neuroscience, change blindness, the power of names in psychiatric diagnoses, and cultural differences in decision-making!
We hope that you enjoy your read and look forward to your submissions for our next issue!
Why is it that you approach decisions differently from your peers? Do you ever wonder why you may be more prone to taking risks in teamwork than your group member? Although there are a host of explanations for this, an important one may lie in individual differences in cultural upbringing. This essay will explore how exactly these cultural differences can significantly shape decision-making processes, including risk-taking behaviour, whilst contextualising these processes in real-life team environments.
One main theory that underlies research into culturally-based decision making differences is of Hofstede’s (1980) cultural dimensions. Hofstede (1980) proposed 4 dimensions that could explain cultural variations in behaviour, and hence, decision making, with each country falling along each continuum of each dimension. These dimensions are ‘Power Distance’, ‘Uncertainty Avoidance’, ‘Individualism/Collectivism’, ‘Masculinity/Femininity’; fifth and sixth dimensions of ‘Long/Short Term Orientation’ and ‘Indulgence/Restraint’.
The dimensions of ‘Power Distance’, ‘Uncertainty Avoidance’ and ‘Individualism/ Collectivism’ may be particularly relevant in explaining decision-making. ‘Power Distance’, “the extent to which less powerful members of organisations and institutions accept and expect that power is distributed unequally” (Hofstede, 2011, p. 9), portrays countries low on this dimension as defining inequality in a bidirectional manner, with power hierarchies being upheld by the subordinate followers as much as the leaders. Such scores may be higher for East European, Latin, Asian, and African countries, indicating that individuals from these cultures may prefer centralised decision-making structures where most decision power is held by those at the top of the social and organisational hierarchies, and lower for English-speaking Western cultures (Hofstede et al., 2010). Similarly, for those in high ‘Power Distance’ scoring countries, the cultural respect for authority may mean that the role of social positioning may override that of actual experience when judging an individual’s suitability to make important decisions.
Hofstede’s dimension of ‘Uncertainty Avoidance’ refers to a society’s ability to withstand ambiguous, unstructured circumstances. This is distinguished from a society’s tendency to take risks (Hofstede, 2011), instead relying more on how members of this society react to the chance of unpredictability; do they attempt to take control, or instead let ambiguous situations run their natural course? Testing this across 76 countries, Hofstede et al. (2010) found that such scores are higher in Eastern/Central European countries, German speaking countries, and Japan, whilst being lower in English speaking, Nordic, and Chinese cultured countries. Interestingly, it has been suggested that high uncertainty avoidance reflects a tendency to choose uncertain outcomes when involving possible gains, where uncertainty may lead to a positive outcome, a finding which does not extend to situations where possible losses (unfavourable outcomes) are implied through accepting uncertainty (Ladbury & Hinsz, 2009). This may demonstrate that although certain cultures may avoid uncertainty more than others, this avoidance is variable and can be dependent on the implications of such uncertainty.
One other dimension explored by Hofstede (1980) is the individualism/collectivism distinction. This refers to the tendency of cultures to view themselves as autonomously responsible for their own needs (individualist) or to consider themselves responsible for the needs of their communities as well (collectivist). In a seminal paper, Hsee and Weber (1999) aimed to extend this research into discovering whether risk preferences vary based on countries’ collectivist/ individualist status, assessing the responses of Chinese (collectivist) and American (individualist) participants. These results led them to develop a “cushion hypothesis”, where members of collectivist cultures may be more protected against the potentially negative consequences of a risky option because of their willing support system, and thus are more willing to take risks, while members of individualistic cultures will have to bear the load of this alone. These findings have been observed in financial situations; one survey found that only 6.4% of Americans are willing to take financial risks, compared to 8.9% of Chinese (Fan and Xiao, 2005). However, the distinction between individualist and collectivist cultures exists on a continuum, and studies involving American and Chinese populations represent just two points along this spectrum. Therefore, the generalisability of these findings about risk-taking behaviour may be improved with replications from populations hailing from other individualist/ collectivist countries.
Although Hofstede’s cultural dimensions have been validated through several replications (Hofstede et al., 2010, p.35), they still may not be fully comprehensive in explaining every aspect of cultural variation, as is the case with attempting to reduce complex phenomena into only a select few dimensions. Thus, another marker of cultural differences in decision making, unexplored by Hofstede’s framework, is time perception.
Time orientation, referring to where certain individuals place their temporal focus when considering present decisions that need to be made (Zimbardo & Boyd, 2014), varies across cultures, thus possibly leading to clashes in decision-making approaches. Past-oriented cultures evaluate current conditions by comparing them to previously encountered experiences and traditions. Present-oriented cultures focus on the immediacy of the issue and short-term consequences, whilst future-oriented cultures approach decision-making through looking at long-term implications (Kluckhorn & Strodtbeck, 1961). One study, examining the degree to which future orientation is practiced across 62 countries, suggested that Western countries score highly on this future orientation domain, with Arab, Latin American, Eastern European and Latin European countries scoring lower (House et al., 2004). Asian societies may be more past-oriented (Block et al., 1996), while Western societies may be more present-oriented (Brislin & Kim, 2003).
These distinct orientation preferences naturally lead to different approaches regarding planning and execution of tasks. Thus, if one is working in a multi-national team or organisation, then such perceptual differences in time-management may have implications for the efficacy of the decisions made within this team. Research has suggested that alignment in temporal patterns of task execution is linked to higher team performance (Tschan, 2002), whilst, conversely, discordance in such time perceptions can lead to conflict between members of a group and decreased productivity (Mohammed & Nadkarni, 2011). Future research should focus on developing strategies to address such conflicts effectively.
In conclusion, research cultural variations in decision making is highly useful in understanding why individuals approach problems from a certain angle, varying in their willingness to take risks and perception of information as either opportunities or threats (Yates & Oliviera, 2016). One should be mindful, however, that such classifications can never fully explain all cultural intricacies. Still, these frameworks can be useful in helping to mitigate cross-cultural clashes in group-decision making, with a greater understanding of these facets possibly leading to enhanced productivity and harmony within a team.
Block, R. A., Buggie, S. E., & Matsui, F. (1996). Beliefs About Time: Cross-Cultural Comparisons. The Journal of Psychology, 130(1), 5–22. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1996.9914984
Brislin, R. W., & Kim, E. S. (2003). Cultural Diversity in People’s Understanding and Uses of Time. Applied Psychology, 52(3), 363–382. https://doi.org/10.1111/1464-0597.00140
Tschan, F. (2002). Ideal cycles of communication (or cognitions) in triads, dyads, and individuals. Small Group Research, 33(6), 615-643.
Fan, J. X., & Xiao, J. J. (2005). A Cross-Cultural Study in Risk Tolerance: Comparing Chinese and Americans. SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.939438
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture and Organizations. International Studies of Management & Organization, 10(4), 15–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/00208825.1980.11656300
Hofstede, G. (2011). Dimensionalizing cultures: the Hofstede Model in Context. Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, 2(1), 1–26. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1014&context=orpc
Hofstede, G., Hofstede, G. J. & Minkov, M. (2010). Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind (Rev. 3 rd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. For translations see www.geerthofstede.nl and “our books”.
House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., & Gupta, V. (2004). Culture, Leadership, and Organizations: The GLOBE Study of 62 Societies. In Google Books. SAGE Publications. https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=4MByAwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&ots=7jeGJogbgD&sig=CyNclN03nQnVbKAj0x5B8jTBisg
Hsee, C., & Weber, E. U. (1999). Cross-national differences in risk preference and lay predictions. Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, 12(2), 165–179. https://doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1099-0771(199906)12:2<165::AID-BDM316>3.0.CO;2-N
Kluckhohn, F. R., & Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in value orientations. Row, Peterson.
Ladbury, J. L., & Hinsz, V. B. (2009). Uncertainty Avoidance Influences Choices for Potential Gains but not Losses. Current Psychology, 28(3), 187–193. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-009-9056-z
Mohammed, S., & Nadkarni, S. (2011). Temporal Diversity and Team Performance: The Moderating Role of Team Temporal Leadership. Academy of Management Journal, 54(3), 489–508. https://doi.org/10.5465/amj.2011.61967991
Yates, J. F., & de Oliveira, S. (2016). Culture and decision making. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 136, 106–118. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.obhdp.2016.05.003
Zimbardo, P. G., & Boyd, J. N. (2014). Putting Time in Perspective: A Valid, Reliable Individual-Differences Metric. Time Perspective Theory; Review, Research and Application, 17–55. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-07368-2_2
When I was studying different mental disorders as a bilingual psychology student, I couldn’t help but compare the names of each condition across the languages I speak. Despite having revelations about most names after learning their symptoms and causes, a few stood out to me as names that are “inaccurate” to what their conditions entail. Autism in Mandarin, for instance, is translated as ‘self-isolation disorder’ (‘自闭症’). Although self-isolation can be a symptom present in many autistic individuals, it does not encompass the entirety of the condition. As a result, this could concern sensitive aspects of mental health awareness, including social stigmatisation, improper normalisation and many more. Therefore, I was intrigued to explore whether translations of mental conditions play a part in how people perceive them, as well as the effect names have on portraying certain conditions to laypeople.
There are roughly three broad categories of the way mental health conditions are named: (1) descriptive of their corresponding causes or symptoms, (2) named after someone or something, and (3) derived from ancient languages, typically ancient Greek (Gaebel & Kerst, 2018). The first category is usually straightforward and easy to understand, examples include generalised anxiety disorder (GAD), obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). As can be seen, the names provide a descriptive summary of the condition, allowing even laypeople to obtain a decent grasp of the conditions’ causes and symptoms. This is beneficial, for it can facilitate communication between healthcare professionals, individuals with the conditions, and the general public. However, the directness of these names may oversimplify the complex nature of certain mental disorders, potentially resulting in individuals being reduced to their symptoms, leading to a narrow, and sometimes, negative perception of their conditions. This oversimplification can reinforce negative stereotypes and misconceptions about mental health, which can act as a gateway to discrimination and unfair treatment between individuals.
In comparison, the “named-after” mental disorders require more intricate understanding, possibly due to their highly specific nature where background knowledge of the name is required. Narcissistic personality disorder (NPD; DSM-5), for instance, is named after ‘Narcissus’, a hunter in Greek mythology. According to the best-known version of the story, by Ovid (Brenkman, 1976), Narcissus was noticed by all for his immaculate beauty, and rarely could anyone resist falling in love with him. One day, Narcissus found himself thirsty, so he searched for a pond of water to satisfy his yearning. As he leaned down to drink, he saw a reflection that was “as beautiful as a marble statue” and instantly fell in love, without realising that the figure in front of him was, in fact, his own reflection. Unable to leave the allure of this image, Narcissus stared at his enchanting self-reflection – which could not reciprocate his love – forgot to eat, drink, or sleep, and eventually died beside the pond, leaving behind a gold and white flower.
Mirroring the tragic tale of Narcissus, narcissism is now used to describe the mental disorder where one displays an excessive interest in or admiration of oneself. However, although these names might seem obvious after learning their origin,the elaborate narratives behind them may not be immediately apparent, requiring additional effort for individuals to grasp the connection between the name and the associated symptoms. This complexity might contribute to a lack of general awareness, potentially hindering education and public discourse on these mental health conditions. Not to mention many conditions are named after scientists for their significant contribution rather than an ancient mythology. Alzheimer’s disease, for example, is named after Dr. Alois Alzheimer, who discovered the cause of this type of dementia that is commonly found in elderly individuals (NIA, 2023). Although the name honours the contributions of Dr. Alzheimer, it does not entail much information about the condition itself. Therefore, balancing historical significance with clear communication becomes crucial to ensuring that these names contribute positively to understanding and empathy, rather than provoking confusion or perpetuating stereotypes.
The third category mostly consists of names that are derived from the Greek language, which might automatically make sense to individuals who speak Greek. To people who do not understand Greek, however, they more often than not look like a random combination of letters that had been agreed upon since the dawn of time. Autism – the example mentioned previously – is rooted in the Greek word ‘eautos’ (‘εαυτός’), which means ‘the self’. Considering this information, it is safe to assume that the Mandarin translation of autism being ‘self-isolation disorder’ could have derived from its Greek origin. Schizophrenia is a similar case, where ‘schizo’ (‘σχίζω’) came from the verb ‘split’, and ‘phrenia’ has its root in ‘phrenas’ (‘φρένας’), meaning ‘the mind’. It might not seem very obvious in English, but schizophrenia in many Asian languages are direct translations of ‘split-mind disorder’, such as in Chinese (‘精神分裂症’), Japanese (‘精神分裂病’), and Korean (‘정신 분열증’).
Since these names are descriptive of the condition, it is easy for anyone who speaks the language to infer that schizophrenia is a brain disorder entailing ‘mind-splitting’. This, however, stirred up heated debate among the medical and psychological fields about the negative connotations carried within this name. Neuropsychiatric Associations (Lee et al., 2013) believed that referring to schizophrenic patients as having split minds could inflict discrimination amongst the general public, leading to unnecessarily triggering interactions that might impact the efficiency of relevant treatments. Eventually, multiple nations decided to dispel the stigmatisation of this name by replacing it with ‘attunement disorder’, including Japan (‘統合失調症’), South Korea (‘조현병’), and some other regions. ‘Attunement’ is a metaphor for tuning the strings of the mind, which is both descriptive and neutral in its nature. As a result, associated prejudice preventing patients from seeking help early (Gaebel & Kerst, 2018), as well as discriminatory social stigmatisation can be reduced.
Reflecting on mental health condition names across languages revealed the profound impact of language on the perception and understanding of different disorders. Meanings tend to get lost in translation, especially when discussing matters as sensitive as mental health. Therefore, we should not rely on literal translation as the sole method to communicate mental health across nations. Although it is highly challenging to invoke change, balanced, clear, and culturally sensitive language should be promoted to foster understanding and empathy in mental health discourse.
See also: Chang & Bassman, 2019; Hoffman, 2015; Moffic, 2016.
Brenkman, J. (1976). Narcissus in the Text. The Georgia Review, 30(2), 293–327. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41399656?casa_token=ljfQwM4NsZoAAAAA%3AhD_pRxA9IeCLTrxIGRhs9iUDl5edwWqiZHPunGweS_5v34T4j3p-vuEN8BMJJHa3ClDh3jq4zRL_tch8sPvFlUo7MHv_5OacrXGoZW5BzT85xeyHmpo&seq=7
Chang, C. R., & Bassman, R. (2019). Psychiatric Diagnosis and the Power of Names. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 002216781985278. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022167819852786
Gaebel, W., & Kerst, A. (2018). The debate about renaming schizophrenia: a new name would not resolve the stigma. Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences, 1–4. https://doi.org/10.1017/s2045796018000513
Hoffman, C. (2015, July 14). The power of a name: Controversies and changes in defining mental illness. The Neuroethics Blog. https://www.theneuroethicsblog.com/2015/07/the-power-of-name-controversies-and
Lee, Y. S., Kim, J.-J., & Kwon, J. S. (2013). Renaming schizophrenia in South Korea. The Lancet, 382(9893), 683–684. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(13)61776-6
Moffic, S. (2016, February 8). What’s With These Names in Mental Health Care? Psychiatric Times. https://www.psychiatrictimes.com/view/whats-these-names-mental-health-care
NIH National Institute on Aging (NIA). (2023, April 5). Alzheimer’s Disease Fact Sheet. National Institute on Aging. https://www.nia.nih.gov/health/alzheimers-and-dementia/alzheimers-disease-fact-sheet#:~:text=Alzheimer
Eyesight is one of our most entrusted senses, constituting a key element of most of our daily activities. Nonetheless, the reliability of our visual perception can be challenged by a psychological phenomenon called “change blindness”, which refers to our inability to notice changes in a scene, even when they are seemingly obvious (Hollingworth, 2006). This phenomenon has received great interest by researchers, as it presents an opportunity to examine the conditions that need to be satisfied for percepts to access our conscious awareness (Noe, 2005).
A common method of demonstrating and studying change blindness is the flicker paradigm (Rensink et al., 1997). In this paradigm, participants are shown two images of a scene (one original and one modified) that switch back and forth, separated by a short, blank screen (approximately 100 milliseconds). Participants are asked to report the change in the scene as soon as they notice it. If you would like to try it for yourself, you may find two examples here: Video 1 and Video 2.
As you can see in Video 2, widely known as the “airplane” example (Rensink et al., 1997), these changes can be as apparent and crucial as the removal of an airplane’s engine, although they require a significant amount of time to be noticed. Indeed, the series of experiments by Rensink and colleagues (1997), which tested different versions of the flicker paradigm, has shown that hardly any changes were noticed during the initial round of alternation, while most changes remained undetected after almost one minute of viewing.
The Mechanism Behind the Phenomenon
Several mechanisms have been proposed to illuminate change blindness, ranging from age-related differences (Bergmann et al., 2016) to reflexive attentional shifts (Smith & Schenk, 2008). While multiple factors likely contribute to this phenomenon, two explanations in particular have received much support. First mechanism refers to “visual transients”. That is, the blank screen that flickers between the two images leads to very rapid changes in luminance and colour, which are immediately detected by the retina. Due to the automatic attention attracted by this motion, other changes in the scene require longer to be noticed. Supporting this explanation, in trials where the flickering blank screen was eliminated, participants were significantly faster at recognising the modification, since the disruption of the global transient was absent (Rensink et al., 1997; Tarr & Aginsky, 1996).
A further implication of this mechanism is that other types of global transients should induce a similar effect of change blindness. This can be tested via O’Regan and colleagues’ (1999) mudsplashes paradigm, in which a small number of occluding shapes are randomly placed on the two alternating images. Addressing a limitation of the flicker paradigm, this method does not occlude the location of the modified part of the image, hence making sure that the modification is visible and can be registered by the visual system. You may find an example of the mudsplashes paradigm through this video.
Similar to the flicker paradigm, O’Regan et al. (1999) revealed that viewers were still virtually blind to the change in the image with the mudsplashes paradigm. This indicates that if a brief visual disturbance is introduced whilst a change is occurring, this disturbance distracts away from the change, causing it to be more difficult to detect (Turatto et al., 2003).
Alongside the visual transient explanation, a simultaneous mechanism at play is related to our limited visual working memory (Brady et al., 2011). In order to notice a change, we need to be able to encode the original image into our memory and compare it with the modified version. Nonetheless, the very rapid display times of the images, as well as our brains’ limited capacity, hinder the encoding of every detail into our memory, causing some of the visual information to be discarded after being processed (Escamilla et al., 2020).
Criticisms and Recent Advancements
Although change blindness has been studied for decades, an important criticism is that the phenomenon has only been tested qualitatively and via 2D images, which differ drastically from 3D scenes. For example, compared to 2D images, immersive 3D environments enable testing attention and memory under more naturalistic viewing conditions, making findings more generalisable to our daily visual experience (Hayhoe & Rothkopf, 2011; Li et al., 2016). In addition to its greater external validity, spatial learning tasks in 3D allow observers to also integrate proprioceptive and vestibular feedback, while feedback from their full-body motion helps strengthen the relationship between the objects and the observer (Chrastil & Warren, 2012; Li et al., 2016). Most of the literature neglects these crucial components of memory and attention due to their heavy reliance on 2D stimuli.
With the introduction of virtual reality (VR) technologies into psychological research, recent studies have been able to investigate this phenomenon in 3D tasks. One such study has been conducted by Martin and colleagues (2023), which investigated a number of change manipulations (e.g., distance, type of manipulation, field of view, complexity of the modified element) in an immersive 3D VR environment. Participants were asked to observe a realistic, stereoscopic virtual scene of a living room with several furniture. In each trial, one element in the scene was manipulated, with modifications ranging from addition (a new object is added to the scene) to relocation (a pre-existing object is moved to a different location), alongside the aforementioned change properties. To re-create the effect of a flicker, the changed element switched between its original and manipulated states every time the observer rotated their head and the element remained outside of their field of view.
Results revealed a detection ratio of 41.97%, meaning that even though participants were explicitly asked to identify a change for 45 seconds, more than half of the manipulations went undetected. This constitutes a much higher ratio of unnoticed changes compared to past research with 2D stimuli, which have found detection ratios ranging between 73-92% (Hollingworth, 2006; 2007; Vasser et al., 2015). Furthermore, unlike the results obtained with 2D images, Martin et al. (2023) revealed that the type of the manipulation did not significantly affect its detectability.
These findings suggest that the change blindness effect might function differently in 3D immersive environments that more closely resemble our real-life observing conditions. Preliminary findings with VR indicate that limitations in our visual memory continue to influence our detection of changes, even more so than 2D modifications. Future work with 3D content is integral to gain a better understanding of the types of manipulations that remain undetected by human observers. The knowledge gained by researching change blindness in VR can have important applications for several areas, including redirected walking (Sun et al., 2018), interior design (Alghofaili et al., 2019), cinematography (Serrano et al., 2017), and gaze prediction (Martin et al., 2022).
Alghofaili, R., Solah, M. S., Huang, H., Sawahata, Y., Pomplun, M., & Yu, L. (2019). Optimizing visual element placement via visual attention analysis. 2020 IEEE Conference on Virtual Reality and 3D User Interfaces (VR), 464–473. https://doi.org/10.1109/vr.2019.8797816
Bergmann, K., Schubert, A., Hagemann, D., & Schankin, A. (2016). Age-related differences in the P3 amplitude in change blindness. Psychological Research, 80(4), 660–676. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00426-015-0669-6
Brady, T. F., Konkle, T., & Alvarez, G. A. (2011). A review of visual memory capacity: Beyond individual items and toward structured representations. Journal of vision, 11(5), 4-4.
Chrastil, E. R., & Warren, W. H. (2014). Active and passive spatial learning in human navigation: Acquisition of graph knowledge. Journal of Experimental Psychology Learning Memory and Cognition, 41(4), 1162–1178. https://doi.org/10.1037/xlm0000082
Escamilla, J. C., Castro, J. J. F., Baliyan, S., Ortells-Pareja, J. J., Rodríguez, J. J. O., & Cimadevilla, J. M. (2020). Allocentric Spatial Memory Performance in a Virtual Reality-Based Task is Conditioned by Visuospatial Working Memory Capacity. Brain Sciences, 10(8), 552. https://doi.org/10.3390/brainsci10080552
Hayhoe, M. M., & Rothkopf, C. A. (2011). Vision in the natural world. Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews Cognitive Science, 2(2), 158–166. https://doi.org/10.1002/wcs.113
Hollingworth, A. (2006). Scene and position specificity in visual memory for objects. Journal of Experimental Psychology Learning Memory and Cognition, 32(1), 58–69. https://doi.org/10.1037/0278-7393.32.1.58
Hollingworth, A. (2007). Object-position binding in visual memory for natural scenes and object arrays. Journal of Experimental Psychology Human Perception & Performance, 33(1), 31–47. https://doi.org/10.1037/0096-1523.33.1.31
Li, C., Aivar, M. P., Kit, D. M., Tong, M. H., & Hayhoe, M. M. (2016). Memory and visual search in naturalistic 2D and 3D environments. Journal of Vision, 16(8), 9. https://doi.org/10.1167/16.8.9
Martin, D., Serrano, A., Bergman, A. W., Wetzstein, G., & Masia, B. (2022). Scangan360: A generative model of realistic scanpaths for 360 images. IEEE Transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics, 28(5), 2003-2013.
Martin, D., Sun, X., Gutierrez, D., & Masia, B. (2023). A study of Change blindness in immersive environments. IEEE Transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics, 29(5), 2446–2455. https://doi.org/10.1109/tvcg.2023.3247102
Noe, A. (2005). What does change blindness teach us about consciousness?. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 9(5), 218-218.
O’Regan, J. K., Rensink, R. A., & Clark, J. J. (1999). Change-blindness as a result of ‘mudsplashes’. Nature, 398(6722), 34-34. https://doi.org/10.1038/17953
Rensink, R. A., O’Regan, J. K., & Clark, J. J. (1997). To See or not to See: The Need for Attention to Perceive Changes in Scenes. Psychological Science, 8(5), 368–373. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1997.tb00427.x
Serrano, A., Sitzmann, V., Ruiz-Borau, J., Wetzstein, G., Gutierrez, D., & Masia, B. (2017). Movie editing and cognitive event segmentation in virtual reality video. ACM Transactions on Graphics, 36(4), 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1145/3072959.3073668
Smith, D. T., & Schenk, T. (2008). Reflexive attention attenuates change blindness (but only briefly). Perception & Psychophysics, 70(3), 489–495. https://doi.org/10.3758/pp.70.3.489
Sun, Q., Patney, A., Wei, L., Shapira, O., Lu, J., Asente, P., Zhu, S., Mcguire, M., Luebke, D., & Kaufman, A. (2018). Towards virtual reality infinite walking. ACM Transactions on Graphics, 37(4), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1145/3197517.3201294
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Vasser, M., Kängsepp, M., & Aru, J. (2015). Change blindness in 3d virtual reality. arXiv preprint arXiv:1508.05782.
In the ever-evolving landscape of consumer behaviour, understanding the intricate workings of the human mind has become paramount for businesses and marketers alike. Our recent guest speaker, Professor Joe Devlin of Cognitive Neuroscience, delved into the fascinating realm of consumer neuroscience in a thought-provoking talk that left attendees with a deeper comprehension of the factors influencing decision-making. In this blog post, we will embark on a journey through the highlights of Professor Joe Devlin’s talk, exploring the profound implications of consumer neuroscience and its transformative potential in shaping the strategies of businesses in the 21st century.
JWT, a London Advertising Agency, vividly showcased the intersection of neuroscience and advertising during the 2015 APG Annual Advertising Conference. The fact that advertisers are jaded about advertising made JWT innovatively incorporate neuroscience by scanning keynote speakers’ brains and using the images in their marketing campaigns. Basically, they are just MRI scans with random colours on them and saying “Look, this is what someone (the keynote speaker) is thinking about something (the topic that they are going to cover). These MRI scans, presented with quasi-medical aesthetics, served as compelling visual aids, making their advertisement more innovative and convincing.
JWT’s initiative extended beyond the conference hall with a social media campaign on Twitter, encouraging attendees to engage with the hashtag “#APGBIGTHINKING.” Participants received personalized responses summarizing their tweets, accompanied by MRI scan images illustrating the brain regions activated during the act of tweeting (Hippocampus or Amygdala activated due to memory retrieval or emotions). This fusion of academia and corporate marketing exemplifies the quest for unbiased scientific insights in advertising strategies.
The allure of neuroscience to advertisers and marketers stems from the limitations of self-reported data in traditional marketing research. As David Ogilvy famously remarked, “Consumers do not think how they feel. They don’t say what they think and they don’t do what they say.” This reliance on self-reported data underscores the need for more objective methods, such as neuroscience, to uncover implicit consumer thoughts and reactions.
Distinguishing between neuroscience FOR marketing and neuroscience AS marketing itself is crucial in understanding its applications. An iconic example of neuroscience for advertising is the “Pepsi challenge,” a strategic move by Pepsi in the 1980s to challenge Coca-Cola’s dominance in the cola market. Despite Coca-Cola’s market supremacy, Pepsi’s meticulous research and development efforts aimed to match its competitor’s flavour profile, banking on the assumption that taste similarity would lead to market parity. The pivotal moment came with the introduction of the Pepsi challenge, where blind taste tests revealed a surprising preference for Pepsi among consumers, even among loyal Coca-Cola drinkers. This revelation sparked both excitement and concern within Pepsi’s circles, highlighting the significant impact of branding on consumer perception.
Further exploration into the neural mechanisms of brand perception was undertaken by McClure and colleagues (2004). Employing functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), researchers examined brain activity in individuals sampling cola beverages. Their findings revealed activation in the Medial Prefrontal Cortex, associated with the brain’s reward system when participants rated their enjoyment of Pepsi and Coke. Interestingly, when only the Coca-Cola branding was presented, additional brain regions, the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex implicated in decision-making, were activated. The hippocampus, responsible for memory, also showed activation, indicating the role of branding in linking past experiences and memories. Therefore, when a decision is being made, all of these memories and information brought up by the branding combine altogether to make consumers choose Coke. These findings underscored the profound impact of branding on taste perception, demonstrating how the mere sight of a logo can influence sensory experiences.
However, it’s essential to note that conducting neuroscientific research for marketing purposes can be fraught with pitfalls. An example of this is the Apple company when iPhones reached a great success and everyone wanted to understand why is this happening. A person named Lindstrom in the marketing industry came up with a hypothesis saying that everyone is addicted to their iPhones. As previous research discovered that addiction is related to the activation of the ventral striatum in the brain, it was predicted the same area should be activated when people are playing with their iPhones. However, this was not the case. Instead of the ventral striatum, the insula was found to be activated. So the person concluded that people are not addicted to their iPhones, but in fact in love with their iPhones (Lindstrom, 2011). The problem is that Lindstrom is a layman of neuroscience and knows nothing about the brain, so his false claim that people are in love with their iPhones evoked a huge reaction in the community of neuroscientists. Neuroscientists pointed out the insula is responsible for a lot of activities and inner sensations, and it’s seen to be activated in about 1/3 of all MRI studies (Poldrack et al., 2011). Professor Devlin pointed out that when companies are doing advertisements, they have to get their science right before investing money and efforts into that, as erroneous claims can lead to significant backlash.
Professor Devlin also discussed a study conducted in collaboration with Professor Daniel Richardson and Audible. In this experiment, the researchers selected eight stories from various genres, such as fantasy (e.g., Game of Thrones) and classic literature (e.g., Great Expectations). Each story featured an emotional scene, presented both in a video adaptation and an audio version. Rather than utilising MRI scanning, participants wore biometric watches, akin to the Apple Watch but with more precise measurements. The study included 80 participants, randomly assigned to either view the video clip or listen to the audiobook for each story. Engagement was assessed through self-reports and biometric data. The Narrative Engagement Scale provided a valid measure for self-report data, while biometric data, including heart rate and body temperature, was also analysed. The neuroscientific rationale for measuring biometric data lies in the connection between the amygdala and the hypothalamic-pituitary axis (HPA), responsible for releasing adrenaline, thereby influencing heart rates and breathing pace. This emotional cognitive engagement manifests as changes in adrenaline release, measurable through wrist-worn devices. The analysis revealed that, on average, videos outperformed audiobooks in self-reported engagement, except for empathy with the characters. Interestingly, the biometric data presented a different perspective.
Participants exhibited higher heart rates while listening to audiobooks compared to watching videos, with the highest and lowest heart rates consistently exceeding those in the video condition, indicating heightened emotional responses. Additionally, wrist-measured body temperature was approximately one-third of a degree centigrade higher during audiobook sessions than during video sessions. This temperature variance aligns with findings from social thermal regulation in primates, where exclusion from a social group correlates with decreased body temperature. Conversely, being at the centre of a group results in slightly warmer body temperatures. The significant change in body temperature during storytelling suggests heightened engagement among participants. Professor Joe proposed that when individuals listen to audiobooks, they engage in co-creating the story with the author in their imagination, necessitating more effort and engagement. In contrast, watching videos provides detailed scenarios, characters, and music, requiring less mental exertion from participants and resulting in lower levels of engagement.
Based on these experiments, Audible has leveraged the results to assert that listening to audiobooks is more engaging than watching films, turning them into a focal point of their marketing strategy. The emphasis on this conclusion, rooted in the scientific neuroscience studies conducted by UCL experts, has garnered significant attention from society.
Additionally, Audible has adjusted its approach when communicating with potential authors. Previously, their outreach to authors focused primarily on the financial incentive of recording audio versions of their books. However, following the research conducted in collaboration with UCL, Audible has shifted its messaging. Instead of solely emphasising the monetary aspect, they now highlight the compelling findings from the study, underscoring that individuals are more engaged when listening to audiobooks. Given that professional authors are primarily concerned with how their audience perceives and engages with their work, this shift in focus has resonated with them. Consequently, authors are increasingly inclined to produce audiobook versions alongside their written works, recognising the value of facilitating deeper engagement and understanding among their audience.
This research doesn’t necessitate expensive devices like fMRI; rather, it simply involves wearing a small watch on the wrist, yet yields effective outcomes. Another case study highlighted by Professor Devlin, involving Desperados Beer, was even more cost-effective. Desperados Beer’s marketing strategy revolves around hosting large parties annually, inviting hundreds of influencers, and encouraging them to share their experiences on social media. These themed parties reflect the Desperados lifestyle, prompting the company to explore whether such experiences influence individuals’ thoughts and creativity.
In one instance, the party was held at the world’s deepest pool, approximately 40 meters deep, in Venice. Given the impracticality of using devices like MRI scanners in such a setting, Professor Devlin and his colleague, Professor Richardson, devised a simple experiment using an iPad. This experiment aimed to assess creativity through three tasks. The first task, an Alternate Use Task, required participants to brainstorm as many uses for a given object (an empty Desperados bottle in this case) as possible within one minute. Their responses were then coded and categorised to measure divergent thinking or creativity (thinking outside the box). The second task, a Remote Associates Task, presented participants with three words that could be connected to another word, challenging them to identify the common word. Unlike the first task, this task aimed to explore convergent thinking. The third task involved a drawing task where participants were asked to fill in arbitrary patterns, targeting divergent thinking. Participants were also asked to rate their creativity in the drawings afterwards.
Following these tasks, participants attended the party 40 meters below (without alcohol due to safety concerns associated with deep diving). They underwent another round of testing after returning from the party. The test results revealed differences in only two divergent thinking tasks, indicating that the party influenced creativity in a Desperados-inspired lifestyle context. This insight was then utilised by the company for advertising purposes.
All the aforementioned case studies leverage neuroscience for marketing purposes. However, some marketing techniques employ neuroscience as the marketing itself. This strategy capitalises on the Seductive Allure of Neuroscience, which suggests that the general public finds the brain fascinating. People tend to enjoy and believe information that includes details about the brain, even if it’s essentially irrelevant.
Professor Devlin provided an example involving M. Ford, a beauty vlogger and influencer on YouTube, known as one of the agents for change on the platform. One of M. Ford’s concerns is the detrimental impact of unrealistic representations of female beauty on young women. Social media platforms often present flawless images of women achieved through retouching, creating unattainable standards. Despite their unrealistic nature, these images can lead young women to aspire to them. M. Ford incorporated neuroscience into her content by highlighting the amygdala’s role in strong emotional reactions and linking strong emotional reactions to traumatising feelings. By presenting case studies of three girls and showcasing their heightened emotional responses, as observed through fMRI scans when exposed to idealised images of women on the internet, M. Ford conveyed the message that these flawless pictures traumatise young women to a certain extent and young women should stop worrying pursuing to become as flawless as these perfect figures. Employing neuroscience as marketing, this video became a tremendous success, garnering over 2 million views on YouTube.
Another noteworthy example occurred during the pandemic with Vue Cinemas, which sought to explore whether attending the cinema had positive effects on people. Professor Devlin conducted a study wherein biometric devices were worn by individuals while they watched the film Aladdin (As we all know this is not a great film but it does contribute to science to a certain extent). The findings revealed that during the two-hour movie, participants’ heart rates fluctuated, with approximately 40 minutes spent in what the British Heart Foundation refers to as the “light cardio zone,” akin to light exercise. Capitalising on these findings, the PR team cleverly crafted an attention-grabbing news headline: “Relax! Sitting in the cinema counts as a light workout,” which made its way to the front page of The Times. While as psychology students, we understand that the autonomic nervous system is activated following the story in a movie, the allure of such headlines proves significant to the general public.
These case studies exemplify the remarkable impact of neuroscience in commercial marketing. Whether neuroscience is employed FOR marketing purposes or AS the marketing itself, it serves to provide insights and captivate attention. Professor Joe concluded his talk by emphasising that as long as neuroscience is utilised ethically, it can assist organisations in conveying their messages effectively, be it in marketing initiatives or in developing new products and communications strategies.
We proudly present to you the first issue of PALS Press for the academic year of 2023-2024! As the Editor-in-Chief, it is with great pleasure to say that we have observed an immense amount of increase in the applications for our student-led journal, suggesting that more and more students are discovering their interest for psychological research and scientific communication.
Our first issue entails a vast variety of topics, ranging from attachment styles to psychology book reviews, from the curious phenomenon of the placebo effect to binge eating behaviours, as well as the savant syndrome in autism, and the lasting effects of childhood trauma.
We hope that you find our issue as intriguing as we have found it to be during its preparation!
Have you ever found yourself contemplating “I’ve always thought that I had a perfect childhood”, only to quickly dismiss this intrusive idea, despite it planting a tiny seed of doubt in your mind? Perhaps it happened while reading a book or watching a movie. Maybe it is after witnessing the way your friend interacts with their family, or recognising relatable behaviours described in a lecture, that prompted you to wonder – what is it that went wrong? The reality is, if you find yourself pondering, then there is a good chance your childhood carried some hidden scars, because individuals with a healthy childhood seldom have such doubts. It is not to say these doubts are bad, on the contrary, having doubts is the first step to unveiling your scars, after which you can then begin the journey of healing your wounded inner child.
When trauma is mentioned, people tend to think of highly extreme incidents. This is because most studies on trauma are focused on war veterans, physical/sexual abuse survivors and individuals who have otherwise suffered greatly in their lives. However, that is not always the case with trauma, as it can manifest in various, and more often, subtle forms. Mundane details in daily life, for instance, could prove to have an enormous impact on a child’s development, which is then carried into adulthood (see Heim et al., 2008, Wiersma et al., 2009 and Mandelli et al., 2015). The purpose here is not to compare the validity of different traumas, but in many cases, an individual’s trauma is not severe enough for them to notice on an explicit level, but also not benign enough for them to live a pain-free life. People might find themselves struggling with self-esteem, setting boundaries, building relationships and many more, but their own falsely calibrated beliefs of trauma will convince them that they are just being dramatic, or they are just overreacting, deeming themselves “not broken enough” to be worthy of help when their feelings are entirely valid and deserving of care. Consequently, they become trapped in a spiral of blaming themselves for the troubles they face, believing that they are not good enough, which only worsens their ability to cope.
The mundane details mentioned earlier can exist in any form, just like trauma, they are highly flexible and profoundly impactful. The parents’ view alone can contribute greatly to a child’s personality traits. Meanwhile, children follow their parents closely since birth and easily believe whatever their parents tell them, which is argued to be an evolutionary trait for infants to have a greater chance of survival (Keller, 2000). This potentially paves the way for children to internalise their parents’ views, causing them to lose hold of their own purpose in life. Take the parents’ expectations towards academic achievement, for example, which might not be a problem when a child is still young, since the educational systems around the world are roughly similar – elementary-level education, higher education, and eventually the decision of whether to go to university. However, once the child leaves the system, in this case, progresses into university or workplace, they mature and develop their own beliefs while still holding on to the internalised views they obtained from their parents. A mismatch in beliefs is enough to cause a child confusion about their purpose, which could easily lead to distress about the future, burnout from maintaining high performance and much more. Importantly, parents and primary caregivers are not the sole factor that influences the development of a child which could potentially induce trauma, nor are academic expectations. Teachers, peers and the environment they were in contact with play an equally crucial role, as well as the worldview and beliefs delivered to them since they were a child, and their life experiences growing up so far.
The good news is that more and more individuals are starting to realise the impact of their childhood scars on their later life. Many social media influencers are calling out their parents’ toxic behaviours in the form of comedic skits. Multiple studies also demonstrated that although the younger generations appear to be more affected by mental health conditions, they are significantly more likely to seek help than previous generations (American Psychological Association, 2018). This could be related to the decreased stigmatisation around mental health over recent years, regardless, recognising mental health appropriately is in itself, an act of awakening. When I moved across the world to an entirely different culture, I soon realised how things that seemed normalised to me were considered unacceptable because of their detrimental effects, and I, too, doubted my childhood. But it saddens me to see my friends who are still unaware of how their childhood could explain the emotional frustration they are experiencing, or the excessive amount of anxiety they could have lived without. This is also the purpose of this article, to raise awareness of the way childhood traumas can easily be overlooked because of how subtle and mundane they can be.
For this reason, I applaud you for having doubts about your childhood, for it requires a great deal of courage to question and potentially admit one’s upbringing might not be as perfect as they thought. However, it is a necessary step to take to move on from the past and experience the future you deserve. To quote a sentence from The Practice of Zen (1978): “The greater the doubt, the greater the awakening; the smaller the doubt, the smaller the awakening. No doubt, no awakening.”
American Psychological Association. (2018). STRESS IN AMERICA: GENERATION Z. https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/stress/2018/stress-gen-z.pdf
Cheng-Chi, C., & Zhang, Z. (1978). The Practice of Zen. Greenwood.
Heim, C., Newport, D. J., Mletzko, T., Miller, A. H., & Nemeroff, C. B. (2008). The link between childhood trauma and depression: Insights from HPA axis studies in humans. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 33(6), 693–710.
Keller, H. (2000). Human Parent-Child Relationships from an Evolutionary Perspective. American Behavioral Scientist, 43(6), 957–969.
Mandelli, L., Petrelli, C., & Serretti, A. (2015). The role of specific early trauma in adult depression: A meta-analysis of published literature. Childhood trauma and adult depression. European Psychiatry, 30(6), 665–680.
Wiersma, J. E., Hovens, J. G. F. M., van Oppen, P., Giltay, E. J., van Schaik, D. J. F., Beekman, A. T. F., & Penninx, B. W. J. H. (2009). The Importance of Childhood Trauma and Childhood Life Events for Chronicity of Depression in Adults. The Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 70(7), 983–989.
Did you know that most of the benefits of antidepressants in the treatment of depression and anxiety are due to the placebo response (Kirsch, 2019)? In other words, the active ingredients in some medications are nowhere near as effective as the implementation of expectations and psychological hints.
Placebos are substitutes for drugs or treatments which produce similar beneficial effects without the active ingredients or intervention. Such placebo effects are the results of the psychological responses to the context in which a treatment is delivered rather than to the specific actions of the treatment. For example, if a doctor gave one group of patients sugar pills and another group actual medicine, and both groups recover just as well, it is not the chemical composition of the medicine that helped the patients, but the action of taking a pill giving the patient the belief that they are getting effective treatment. The belief in the placebo can bring about a wide range of positive impacts depending on the context, from relieving pain and stress to enhancing memory and creativity (Rozenkrantz et al., 2017). In contrast, there are also nocebo effects (Turi et al., 2018), where negative expectations of treatment diminish its beneficial effects.
The weird power of the placebo effect, explained. (Image from Vox.com)
So how exactly do placebo effects arise? The keyword here is expectation – developed through “personal experiences (learning), observational learning, instructions or information from doctors and other clinical staff, information from other sources such as the Internet, or personal beliefs” (Petrie & Rief, 2019). For instance, if you have taken an ibuprofen pill before to relieve a headache, you have learnt how helpful it is, and expect the same thing to happen if you took another pill that looks exactly like the previous ibuprofen pill. The mechanism could also be explained by classical conditioning – just like dogs associate bell sounds with food and start to drool as soon as they hear the bell ringing, we associate contexts such as the presence of doctors and syringes to the active treatments and our bodies react accordingly.
Research shows that an individual’s response to a placebo is influenced by many factors. Biologically, there are neurotransmitter pathways in our brains that mediate our response to placebo effects, and variations in these pathways may correlate with different genetic makeups (Hall et al., 2015). Besides that, personal and socio-cultural factors also play a role. For instance, Blackwell et al. (1972) study has suggested that participants showed greater response to two sugar pills than one sugar pill, due to the expectation that two pills indicate a stronger dosage. In the same study, it was also found that the pink pills were better for improving concentration than blue pills. The researchers hypothesized that the difference can be attributed to the cultural meanings of the two colours – the colour pink tends to be more frequently associated with alertness while blue is associated with calmness and relaxation.
Due to evidence which indicates that placebos can induce meaningful responses in patients, it has then been suggested that doctors could use more placebo drugs when treating patients, for their similar benefits and without the side effects. Although this could pose potential ethical concerns in terms of deception towards patients, research has also shown that deception is not necessary for placebo drugs to replace active medication. According to a study by Charlesworth et al. (2017), even when patients know they are not taking actual medicine but merely placebos, the sugar pills can still be effective as long as they are accompanied by a rationale in which it was explained that placebos can be effective.
Besides the application of placebo drugs in medical treatment, understanding the placebo effect is also vital in scientific research. Placebos are commonly used in experiments as the control condition. For example, if we are injecting a type of medication in participants in the experimental condition to see if it can effectively improve, we want to inject saline in the control condition instead of no injections. If the control condition had no injections, the difference in results of the two conditions could then be attributed to the act of injection instead of the medication. Any difference between the control condition and experimental condition would become a confounding factor as they would give the participants different expectations.
It has been suggested that we should try to match the expectations of the two conditions as much as possible with the help of placebos (Boot et al., 2013). This also denotes the importance of carefully operationalized double-blind procedures, where both the experimenter and the participants should not have the knowledge about which individuals are assigned to which conditions. Although many studies claim to be double-blind, many times the procedure can be prone to the phenomenon of breaking blind. A study has shown that even when a placebo was used, 78% of patients and 87% of the doctors could accurately identify whether the patients had been given an active drug or a placebo, and when participants accurately identified that they were in the placebo condition, the placebo effect is reduced (Rabin, as cited in Kirsch 2019). It has thus been proposed that doctors’ and patients’ opinions on their condition assignment should be recorded before and after experimental trials to see whether blind breaking occurred. This same strategy could be applied in the context of psychological research in general to reduce demand characteristics, which just like placebo effects, promote expectations of how the experiment is supposed to go.
In conclusion, the placebo effect is an intriguing phenomenon of how psychological expectation can result in biological and cognitive responses. Understanding the mechanism of placebo can be beneficial in terms of medical treatment as well as general scientific research.
Blackwell, B., Bloomfield, SaulS., & Buncher, C. Ralph. (1972). Demonstration to medical students of placebo responses and non-drug factors. The Lancet, 299(7763), 1279–1282.
Boot, W. R., Simons, D. J., Stothart, C., & Stutts, C. (2013). The Pervasive Problem With Placebos in Psychology. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 8(4), 445–454.
Charlesworth, J. E. G., Petkovic, G., Kelley, J. M., Hunter, M., Onakpoya, I., Roberts, N., Miller, F. G., & Howick, J. (2017). Effects of placebos without deception compared with no treatment: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Journal of Evidence-Based Medicine, 10(2), 97–107.
Hall, K. T., Loscalzo, J., & Kaptchuk, T. J. (2015). Genetics and the placebo effect: The placebome. Trends in Molecular Medicine, 21(5), 285–294.
Kirsch, I. (2019). Placebo Effect in the Treatment of Depression and Anxiety. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 10(407).
Petrie, K. J., & Rief, W. (2019). Psychobiological Mechanisms of Placebo and Nocebo Effects: Pathways to Improve Treatments and Reduce Side Effects. Annual Review of Psychology, 70(1), 599–625.
Rozenkrantz, L., Mayo, A. E., Ilan, T., Hart, Y., Noy, L., & Alon, U. (2017). Placebo can enhance creativity. PLOS ONE, 12(9), e0182466.
Turi, Z., Bjørkedal, E., Gunkel, L., Antal, A., Paulus, W., & Mittner, M. (2018). Evidence for Cognitive Placebo and Nocebo Effects in Healthy Individuals. Scientific Reports, 8(1).
Despite the challenges faced by many autistic individuals, including those regarding social communication and sensory issues, the genius abilities found in savants indicate strengths rather than deficits. This essay will explore the facets that distinguish savant syndrome in autism, evaluating different aetiological explanations for it. Research into this field is needed for scientists to further discover what distinguishes these savants from other autistic individuals and humans in general, which could lead to a more complex understanding of human cognition.
Savant syndrome is characterised by extraordinary, remarkable abilities in individuals. While commonly associated with autistic individuals, it is estimated that 50% of savant syndrome cases occur within the autistic population, with the other 50% seen in those with developmental disabilities and Central Nervous System injuries (Treffert, 2009). Within the autistic population, incidence levels can be up to 37% (Howlin et al., 2009), yet it is more common for savants to have autism than not.
Autistic Savants and Autism. (Image from www.autism-help.org)
Unique skills that these savants possess include heightened memorisation abilities, rapid calculations, calendar calculations and predictions, musical abilities, and artistic abilities. These skills are presented in a ‘spectrum’ of proficiency; ‘splinter skills’ relate to the incessant memorisation of information and numbers, ‘talented savants’ have distinct skills in one area (such as music) that are distinguishable from their ordinary level of functioning, and ‘prodigious savants’ have exceptional skills that would be uncommon even in a non-autistic population (Treffert, 2009). For example, Sacks (1987) reported one case of 26-year-old autistic savant twins who were incapable of performing mental arithmetic yet could ‘envision’ and list prime numbers up to 10 digits long.
Cognitive theories have attempted to explain how savant skills develop in autistic individuals. One relates to the theory of mind-blindness – autistic individuals often struggle with perspective-taking (Baron-Cohen et al., 2000) and thus the cognitive resources neurotypical people would devote to this are reallocated to hyper-fixations on certain, progressively honed skills. Such over-rehearsal of skills can lead to obsessive traits, which manifest in different forms of careful, methodological behaviours. Research investigating this determined that autistic savants have higher obsessional traits than non-autistic savants (Simner et al., 2009), supporting this theory and suggesting that autistic individuals may be disposed towards higher levels of accuracy. In addition, Hughes et al. (2018), comparing autistic savants, autistic non-savants and non-autistic/non-savant controls on several dimensions, found that autistic individuals scored highest on the dimensions of ‘need for organisation’, ‘systemising’ and ‘local bias’ (preference for fine detail over holism). Savants scored even higher on obsessive behaviour, sensitivity, and systemising than the other two groups, reinforcing the theory that autistic obsessions are enhanced in savants. The growing body of research into this explanation poses it as possibly quite a credible one.
Another cognitive theory links to the role of intelligence in autistic savant syndrome. A point of interest for researchers lies in the dissonance between the low IQ seen in much of the autistic population (Wolff et al., 2022) and the high-level abilities displayed by autistic savants. Anderson’s (1992) theory of the minimal cognitive architecture initially suggested that intelligence was linked to the operation of a basic processing mechanism (BPM) which in turn governs one’s skill set, yet the very existence of autistic savants questions the model through failing to explain how these individuals can achieve such high skill-based outcomes with a deficit intelligence-based BPM. Thus, a newer model has combined the role of this theory and Detterman et al.’s (1992), who proposed that intelligence is the result of several different inputs that act independently, not simply pinned to one factor such as the BPM. This model suggests that savant skills reflect individual differences and can, indeed, exist with low general intelligence. Given that even this revised model was devised over thirty years ago (Nettelbeck & Young, 1999), it may still need to be reviewed, especially since the diagnosis of autism (and possibly identification of savants) has dramatically increased since 1990 (Russell et al., 2021).
These cognitive theories are accompanied by biological explanations for savant abilities. The left anterior temporal lobe is one region thought to be involved in the development of savant skills in both autistic and non-autistic individuals; even in healthy individuals, inhibition of this area can produce savant-level skills. This aligns with research that suggests autistic individuals, including savants, may have an underactive left hemisphere that is balanced by excessive right-hemisphere activity. Neuroscientist Snyder (2009) hence believes that all individuals possess the capacity for extraordinary skills, yet these remain dormant for most due to refined top-down processes (through full brain connectivity) which enable most to globally examine the bigger picture. Left-brain inhibition can also explain why more males than females are diagnosed with the syndrome at birth – excessive testosterone can affect the development of the vulnerable left hemisphere in a male foetus, leading to a right-hemisphere favouritism typical of both autistic and autistic savant individuals (Geschwind & Galaburda, 1987).
In conclusion, researchers are still attempting to uncover the mechanisms behind the behaviour and characteristics of autistic savants. Enigmatic cases such as that of Nadia, a girl whose savant abilities ‘disappeared’ when entering the traditional schooling route (Selfe, 1978), are still being studied. For now, the rarity and complexity of these cases have led some researchers to take a case-specific approach, as some theories may be more applicable to certain patients than others. Future research could hopefully take a more definitive view on this and form more generalisable theories.
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Geschwind, N., & Galaburda, A. M. (1987). Cerebral lateralisation. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
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Russell, G., Stapley, S., Newlove‐Delgado, T., Salmon, A., White, R., Warren, F., Pearson, A., & Ford, T. (2021). Time trends in autism diagnosis over 20 years: a UK population‐based cohort study. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 63(6).
Sacks, O. (1987). The man who mistook his wife for a hat. Picador.
Selfe, L. (1977). Nadia: A case of extraordinary drawing ability in an autistic child.
Simner, J., Harrold, J., Creed, H., Monro, L., & Foulkes, L. (2008). Early detection of markers for synaesthesia in childhood populations. Brain, 132(1), 57–64.
Snyder, A. (2009). Explaining and inducing savant skills: privileged access to lower level, less-processed information. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 364(1522), 1399–1405.
Treffert, D.A. (2009). The savant syndrome: an extraordinary condition. A synopsis: past, present, future. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 364(1522), pp.1351-1357.
Wolff, N., Stroth, S., Kamp-Becker, I., Roepke, S. and Roessner, V. (2022). Autism Spectrum Disorder and IQ – A Complex Interplay. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 13.
“The body keeps the score: If the memory of trauma is encoded in the viscera, in the physical sensations of fear and helplessness, then one must address those sensations directly in order to overcome the trauma.” (Van der Kolk, 2015)
“The Body Keeps the Score” takes readers on a compelling journey through the intricate dynamics of trauma and its profound effects on the human experience. Written by the esteemed psychiatrist and educator specializing in post-traumatic stress disorder, Bessel van der Kolk, the book seamlessly weaves scientific research with poignant, compassionate narratives. Powerful, real-life case studies are used to humanize this research. Innovative, holistic therapeutic interventions are also explored. A must-read for anyone interested in clinical psychology, this book serves as a powerful resource for comprehending the lasting impact of trauma and the transformative path to healing and resilience.
“Everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of the human freedoms—to choose one’s attitude in any given set of circumstances, to choose one’s own way.” (Frankl, 2004)
“Man’s Search for Meaning” by Viktor E. Frankl, is a short but tremendously powerful read. Written by a professor of neurology and psychiatry who was also a Holocaust survivor, he provides a poignant account of his experiences in concentration camps. In the first section of his book, he explores the human capacity to remain resilient and find hope in the face of unimaginable suffering. The second half delves into logotherapy, offering practical insights into discovering one’s purpose. This is a timeless classic that serves as an inspiring exploration of the human condition and the pursuit of meaning in life.
“What we think of as decision-making is much more a set of unconscious processes that we control only slightly, if at all.” (Gladwell, 2014)
“Blink” by Malcolm Gladwell offers captivating insights into the power of intuition and rapid cognition, challenging traditional ideas about decision-making. It is full of fascinating real-world examples, exploring the practical implications of relying on less information for better judgments. He proposes innovative ideas, such as using screens in courtrooms, to showcase how simplicity can enhance decision-making. it explores psychological phenomena, such as priming and thin-slicing, with compelling storytelling. If you wish to learn about the complexities of unconscious thinking in shaping our perceptions, you will love this book.
“When faced with a difficult question, we often answer an easier one instead, usually without noticing the substitution.” (Kahneman, 2012)
If you liked “Blink” and would like to delve deeper into the intricacies of human decision-making, this book is for you. “Thinking, Fast and Slow” by Daniel Kahneman continues to captivate readers for good reason. Exploring the interaction between intuitive, fast thinking (System 1) and deliberate, slow thinking (System 2), Kahneman delves into the fascinating, complex realm of heuristics, cognitive biases, and human judgment. The book offers an interdisciplinary approach, drawing from psychology, economics, and behavioural science. Readers are encouraged to reflect on their assumptions about decision-making, making this book very stimulating.
“In the study of the brain, every anomaly is a potential window into its inner workings.” (Ramachandran & Blakeslee, 2006)
If you are interested in neuroscience, you will love “Phantoms in the Brain”: a brilliant, insightful, and humorous exploration into the mysteries of our brains. The patients featured in this book offer a fascinating glimpse into extraordinary phenomena, including phantom limbs (a condition which occurs in most amputees, where they experience sensations in a limb that does not exist) and Capgras delusion (a false belief that an identical duplicate has replaced someone significant to the patient). Complex scientific concepts are explored with charm, making this book not only informative but also thoroughly enjoyable.
“Adolescence is a period of life when the brain is changing in important ways: we should understand it, nurture it- and celebrate it.” (Blakemore, 2019)
“Inventing Ourselves: The Secret Life of the Teenage Brain” is a captivating exploration of the intricate workings of the adolescent brain. Sarah-Jayne Blakemore, drawing on her research at UCL and beyond, sheds light on the complex processes that shape teenage behaviour and cognition. She delves into mechanisms behind risk-taking, and cognitive development, such as synaptic pruning. She uses a very accessible writing style and figures making these complex processes much easier to understand. Offering insights into the rich tapestry of neural development during our formative years, this book is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the research conducted to unfold the mysteries of teenagers’ brains and behaviour.
Blakemore, S.-J. (2019). Inventing Ourselves: The Secret Life of the Teenage Brain. London: Black Swan.
Frankl, V. E. (2004). Man’s search for meaning : The classic tribute to hope from the Holocaust (2004 ed.). London: Rider.
Gladwell, M. (2014). Blink: The Power of Thinking Without Thinking. New York: Little, Brown and Company.
Kahneman, D. (2012). Thinking, fast and slow. London: Penguin Books.
Ramachandran, V. S., & Blakeslee, S. (2006). Phantoms in the brain: Probing the mysteries of the human mind. New York: Fourth Estate.
Van der Kolk, B. (2015). The Body Keeps the Score: Brain, Mind, and Body in the Healing of Trauma. New York: Penguin Books.